“If I don’t see my brother again, they themselves shall not see the light of day. This is not the Anglophone course”.
The National Chairman of the Social Democratic Front (SDF) Party in Cameroon was reacting after kidnappers took his brother and two workers into captivity.
Taken in the night of Saturday April 20th around Fru Ndi’s cattle range in Bafut Mezam Division of the North West Region of Cameroon, Kingsley Azeh (brother to Ni John Fru Ndi) and two other workers were in search of stolen cows when they were abducted by unknown individuals. Ni John Fru Ndi has stated. “The boys are demanding me to pay six million francs cfa or provide five guns as ransom», he adds. He states that the kidnappers are accusing him of having commissioned elements of the rapid intervention battalion (BIR) to fight them when his residence got burnt months ago. To Ni John Fru Ndi: “people in high government positions in Cameroon have created and are sponsoring parallel ambazonia fighters that are there to attack, kill and destroy innocent civilians”. Provoked by the kidnapping of his brother and two workers, Ni John says the activities of the parallel Ambazonia group are contrary to the ambazonia course. “I call on the real ambazonia fighters to be focus and identify armed robbers hired by some members of government to kill the population”.
Material loses: “In the past six months, I have lost more than one hundred cows. I had forty cows in Babanki village but today just less than eleven are left». According to Ni John Fru Ndi, the cows have been stolen by bandits who present themselves as Ambazonia fighters. He mentioned his houses set ablaze in his village by persons he suspects are fake fighters sponsored by personalities in power. Ni John Fru Ndi judging from what he called ‘continuous atrocities’ committed against innocent population by ‘fake amba boys’ warns that famine might soon befall the troubled Anglophone regions of Cameroon. He laments that the planting season is almost over in Bamenda and other places in the North West with women not given the possibility to cultivate crops as insecurity has become the order of the day.
Humanitarian needs in Cameroon are at their highest level ever following an upsurge in violence and insecurity in several regions of the country. Around 4.3 million people need emergency assistance, marking a 30 per cent increase compared to 2018. The violence and forced displacement have dramatically affected the lives of women and children. Gender based violence is on a sharp increase. In some regions up to 80% of children are out of school.
Funding for the response is however at an all-time low.
In February, the Government and the humanitarian community launched the 2019 Humanitarian Response Plan, requesting for US$299 million to assist 2.3 million people. As of 22 April, 11 per cent of the funds has been received.
Some 437,000 people have been forced from their homes in the violence-hit North-West and South-West regions, adding to the devastation by the protracted Lake Chad Basin conflict that continues to force civilians from neighbouring Nigeria to seek safety into Cameroon’s Far North region. Cameroon also hosts 275,000 Central African Republic refugees in Adamaoua, East and North region. Cameroon. Cameroon today has the 6th largest displaced population in the world.
“The people of Cameroon deserve a chance. Communities hosting the displaced are sharing the little they have. Their generosity is exemplary”, said UN Humanitarian Coordinator Allegra Baiocchi. “We need to show them the same level of generosity. We need to show them that we care. Funding remains critically low and we simply cannot sustain our activities without donors’ support. It is time to close the funding gap.”
The violence-affected people are struggling to survive difficult conditions, with little food, shelter, water, healthcare or protection from violation and abuse. Aid organizations are striving to deliver assistance notwithstanding access restrictions and lack of funding.
Rising food insecurity
Today, 3 million people are severely food insecurity in Cameroon, 1.5 million in North-West and South-West regions alone. Among them are 222,000 children.
In Far North region, one in two people does not have enough to eat. In 2018, 78,000 children under 5 years were treated for severe malnutrition. Malnutrition is likely to remain high this year or worsen if funding for prevention and treatment programmes is not forthcoming.
Humanitarian organizations have provided food to more than 42,000 displaced people. Around 26,000 people have received emergency food in the South-West region. But more needs to be done.
No health services and clean water for thousands of people
Since the beginning of the crisis in the North-West and South-West regions, local aid organizations have been at the forefront of the relief response, working hard to provide assistance to people forced to flee their homes.
Clashes, shut-down of activities in towns and insecurity have hampered operations in clinics and hospitals, and medical staff have been repeatedly targeted. Humanitarian organizations were able to provide basic health services to 3,700. 14,000 people received potable water and hygiene kits.
A generation at risk
Tens of thousands of boys and girls are deprived of education due to schools’ closure. They are in many cases being exploited and abused, forced to work or recruited. Tens of thousands of people affected by the violence need protection from abuse and violations.
“Cameroon has not witnessed a humanitarian emergency at such a scale, and the causes of the different crises are but intensifying,” said Ms. Baiocchi. “While we may not be able to quickly alter the underlying drivers, we must shift our approach to be able to make a difference in the life of the girl who is missing school due to violence, the displaced mother struggling to feed her children, or the father who has lost all source of income and livelihood.”
The Plight of Internal Displacement
Tens of millions of people around the world have been driven out of their homes by war, hunger, earthquakes and other perils. Among the most vulnerable, are 40 million people who have been forced to flee, but never crossed a border. Lacking special protection in their darkest hour of need, these largely unnoticed women, men and children may have fled their homes with nothing more than the clothes on their backs. They often urgently need essential necessities such as shelter, food and clean water, while stripped of their rights and basic protections.
To draw the world’s attention to the Plight of World’s 40 Million Internally Displaced People, OCHA has launched an innovative YouTube campaign, ‘Unavailable Content’, in collaboration with Ogilvy. The campaign is at the heart of OCHA’s Invisible Citizens Week, which is dedicated to shining a spotlight on this resilient yet vulnerable group of people.
PRETORIA – Activists fighting for the independent state of Ambazonia (Anglophone Cameroon) have vowed to continue their quest for freedom and the right to self-determination in the face of reprisals from President Pau Biya’s government, which has respondent with heavy-handedness and killed thousands since 2017.
The activists said this Friday, as they staged a protest at the Nigerian Embassy in Pretoria, where they called on the West African nation to – partly, intervene to stop a genocide being meted on their fellow activists by Biya’s security forces, which have so far killed an estimated more than 5,000, displaced more than 800,000 and destroyed infrastructure since 2017, when Anglophone Cameroon declared its independence and announced an interim government.
Estimates are that more than 300,000 people from Cameroon’s troubled Anglophone region now live as refugees in Nigeria and the activists wanted guarantees for the safety of those refugees.
Safety for Cameroonian political refugees was breached on January 5 2019, when 10 Ambazonian leaders, including their leader, Sisiku Ayuk Tabe, were seized at gunpoint by Nigerian Security officials and eventually deported back to Cameroon, in utter disregard for the international law and principles guiding political prisoners and other asylum seekers.
The leaders were held incommunicado between the Nigerian and Cameroon government for six months, allegedly in deplorable conditions where they were denied access to family or legal representatives, in violation of the international Human Rights Law of the 1951 United Nations Convention (Article 33) on refugees and 1967 protocol, as well as the African Charter for Human Rights to which both Nigeria and Cameroon are signatories.
The 10 were charged with 10 counts under Cameroon’s anti-terrorism law and if convicted, they could face the death penalty over what they argue is their struggle for an independent state they call Ambazonia.
On March 1 this year, the Federal High Court of Nigeria ruled in Abuja that the abduction and subsequent deportation of 10 leaders and 39 youths from the former British colony of South Cameroon, who had sought refuge in the West African country, was illegal.
The activists said Friday’s protest was partly meant to request the Nigerian government to adhere to and fully implement the court judgment.
“The Judgment of the Federal High Court of Abuja was testimony of the fairness of the Nigerian Judiciary system,” said Patrick Ayuk, Director of the Sam Soya Centre for Democracy and Human Rights.
“While we greatly appreciate it, we are now calling on the executive arm of the Nigerian Government to heed the Judgment and ensure that all the 51 persons listed are freed and compensated as indicated in the ruling.”
The activists solicited the urgent intervention of the Nigerian government to prove to the world that it respected the rulings of its own courts and thereby immediately engage French Cameroon to have all 51 detainees, including members of the Ambazonian Interim Government and other asylum seekers abducted in Nigeria and unlawfully deported back to Cameroon to be sent back to Nigeria and compensated as stipulated in the Court Ruling of March 1.
Other demands were that Nigeria should call on the government of Cameroon to immediately and unconditionally withdraw its “armed terrorist forces of occupation and colonial administrators from the territory of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia (the Southern Cameroons) by respecting the Section 40 and Article 20 of the Africa Charter on Human and People’s Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) which give a people their unquestionable and inalienable right to Self Determination, an Act violated by the Nigerian Government when it deported our people back to French Cameroun as cited in the Abuja Court Ruling of 1st March 2019.”
”Nigeria should also create the opportunity for constructive dialogue in the presence of credible third parties, including the UK, the United Nations and the African Union to address the root cause of the problems, intervene to stop the Genocide currently meted on the Ambazonian people, continue to assist refugees from Southern Cameroons, by providing them with a safe haven and other much needed assistance in Nigeria and honour its vote of Independence that it accorded British Southern Cameroons on 30th April 1960,” read a statement from the protestors.
A global human rights organisation said on Thursday that at least 170 civilians have been killed since October in fighting in English-speaking western Cameroon between separatists and government forces.
“Government forces in Cameroon’s anglophone regions have killed scores of civilians, used indiscriminate force, and torched hundreds of homes over the past six months,” Human Rights Watch (HRW) said in a report.
The group based its findings on interviews with 140 victims, family members and witnesses between December and March, it said.
Government forces in Cameroon’s anglophone regions have killed scores of civilians.
“Since October, at least 170 civilians have been killed in over 220 incidents… according to media reports and Human Rights Watch research,” it said.
Security forces killed
Another 31 members of the security forces were killed in operations between October and February, it said.
“Given the ongoing clashes and the difficulty of collecting information from remote areas, the number of civilian deaths is most likely higher,” it added.
Who is to blame?
HRW did not explicitly blame government forces for all 170 civilian deaths.
It said armed separatists assaulted and kidnapped dozens of people during the same period, executing at least two men.
The government sent a letter to HRW denying “extortion” by the army described in the report, the group said.
The International Crisis Group has said the death toll since the start of the fighting has topped 500 for civilians and more than 200 for members of the security forces.
The conflict broke out in October 2017 when the anglophone separatists launched an armed campaign.
English speakers, who account for about a fifth of Cameroon’s population of 24 million, have complained for years at perceived discrimination in education, law and economic opportunities at the hands of the francophone majority.
The anglophone movement radicalised in 2017 as the authorities refused demands for greater autonomy for the Northwest and Southwest Regions.
On October 1 that year, separatists declared the creation of the “Republic of Ambazonia” in the two regions, named after the local Ambas Bay. The declaration has not been recognised internationally.
“Cameroon’s authorities have an obligation to respond lawfully and to protect people’s rights during periods of violence,” said Lewis Mudge, HRW’s Central Africa director. “The government’s heavy-handed response targeting civilians is counterproductive and risks igniting more violence.”
Some 437,000 people have fled the fighting, according to the United Nations, which called Tuesday for $184 million to help the displaced.
The Social Democratic Front, SDF says some members of the Biya regime are sponsoring armed groups in the North West and South West regions of the country.
Meeting at the weekend in Yaounde, the National Executive Committee of the party condemned the recent wave of violence in the Anglophone regions.
The attack on the convoys of the Governors of the North West and South West regions, the burning of the Kumba Hospital, as well as attacks on students and kidnap of civilians were some of the atrocities in the past months that drew the attention of the party as they condemned such acts.
However, the party said such acts carried out by armed groups which might be sponsored by some members of the Biya regime, for their selfish interests.
The SDF criticised the authorities, who are protected by security forces, for forcing civilians without protection to risk their lives to carry out civic duties like voting despite the insecurity in these regions.
The party condemned all forms of violence no matter its origin and once again called for a ceasefire and dialogue as the only way out of the crisis.
After years of skirmishing, the English-speaking minority scarcely trusts the government.
For the past three years, civil strife has been tearing Cameroon apart. New public opinion data from Afrobarometer suggest serious — and widening — rifts in fundamental perceptions and attitudes between the country’s Anglophone and Francophone regions.
A snapshot of Cameroon’s turmoil
For more than half a century after independence in 1960, Cameroon’s Francophone majority (formerly ruled by the French) and Anglophone minority (ex-British colonial subjects) lived in uneasy, but largely peaceful, union.
In 2016, occasional protests against what many English-speaking citizens see as discrimination and exclusion intensified and turned violent. Now, militant Anglophone separatists skirmish with government forces almost daily. Human Rights Watch and other observers have accused both sides of killings, kidnappings and other abuses.
According to the United Nations, the violence has displaced hundreds of thousands of people, including thousands who have fled to neighboring Nigeria. In October, English-speaking Cameroon boycotted the presidential election en masse; Paul Biya, who has held that position since 1982, won — but many observers declared the election marred by irregularities and violence.
How deep is the divide between English- and French-speaking Cameroon?
Pulling farther apart on fundamental questions
Public-opinion data show that the Anglophone and Francophone regions have moved quite far from each other since 2016 on fundamental questions of democracy, trust in the state and national identity.
Afrobarometer has interviewed nationally representative samples of 1,200 adult Cameroonians in 2013, 2015, and May-June 2018, producing results with a margin of error of plus or minus three percentage points at a 95 percent confidence level. We did our analysis based on region, rather than primary language.
Here’s what we found. Most Cameroonians living in Anglophone regions no longer view their country as a functioning democracy. That’s a drastic shift from four years ago — and contrasts sharply with the views of their compatriots in Francophone regions. The proportion of Anglophone residents who consider Cameroon “a full democracy” or “a democracy with minor problems” dropped from more than half (52 percent) in 2015 to just 1 in 8 (12 percent) in 2018. Among those living in Francophone regions, the proportion of those who agree has slowly increased from 36 percent in 2013 to 45 percent, as you can see in the figure below.
Cameroon is a democracy | Anglophone vs. Francophone | Cameroon | 2013-2018
Respondents were asked: In your opinion, how much of a democracy is Cameroon today? The graph shows the percentage who say “a full democracy” or “a democracy with minor problems.” (Mircea Lazar /Mircea Lazar)
Similarly, as you can see in the figure below, satisfaction with the way democracy is working in Cameroon has plummeted among Anglophone citizens, from 43 percent who said they were “fairly” or “very” satisfied in 2015 to just 7 percent in 2018. Among Francophones, meanwhile, satisfaction remains low but fairly steady, at 33 percent.
Satisfied with democracy | Anglophone vs. Francophone | Cameroon | 2013-2018
Respondents were asked: Overall, how satisfied are you with the way democracy works in Cameroon? The graph shows the percentage who say “fairly satisfied” or “very satisfied.” (Mircea Lazar/Mircea Lazar)
Fewer than half (45 percent) of Anglophone Cameroonians now say they prefer democracy to any other political system, a sharp drop from 64 percent in 2015. Among Francophones, support for democracy has remained steady at two-thirds, or 66 percent. Popular support for elections as the best way to choose leaders shows a similar pattern.
Political scientists often consider popular trust in the police and the army to be a core indicator of broader support for the state — and so here, too, our survey findings may trouble policymakers. As you can see in the figure below, almost 6 in 10 Anglophone citizens, or 58 percent, say they do not trust the police “at all,” up from 39 percent in 2015 and more than double the proportion of absolute distrust among Francophones, at 24 percent. The divide is even greater when it comes to the army: The proportion of Anglophones who say they don’t trust the military “at all” has nearly tripled since 2015, from 22 percent to 62 percent, compared to just 13 percent of Francophones who say the same thing.
Don’t trust police and army ‘at all’ | Anglophone vs. Francophone | Cameroon | 2013-2018
Respondents were asked: How much do you trust each of the following, or haven’t you heard enough about them to say: The police? The army? The graph shows the percentage who say “not at all.”
Another key indicator of a growing chasm is identity: Do citizens identify more with their nation or with their ethnic group? If it’s the former, a fundamental national unity may exist that can help prevent civil conflict. Until recently, in Cameroon only small minorities — between 6 percent and 12 percent — of both Anglophone and Francophone citizens identified more closely with their ethnic group than with their nation. But as you can see below, since 2015, the proportion of Anglophones who identify more strongly with their ethnic group than their nationality has quadrupled, to almost one-third (31 percent). Among Francophones, the increase was from 7 percent to 13 percent.
Ethnic over national identity | Anglophone vs. Francophone | Cameroon | 2013-2018
Respondents were asked: Let us suppose that you had to choose between being a Cameroonian and being a ________[respondent’s ethnic group]. Which of the following statements best expresses your feelings: I feel only [ethnic group]? I feel more [ethnic group] than Cameroonian? I feel equally Cameroonian and [ethnic group]? I feel more Cameroonian than [ethnic group]? I feel only Cameroonian? The graph shows the percentage who say they feel “only [ethnic group]” or “more [ethnic group] than Cameroonian.. (Mircea Lazar/Mircea Lazar)
The results reveal that Cameroon’s national unity is fragmenting
These growing divides between Anglophone and Francophone Cameroonians suggest that beyond the headlines, some citizens may be starting to abandon a belief in the country’s unity. Despite Cameroon’s long history of individual English and French speakers living peacefully as friends and compatriots, these tears in the national fabric will take both time and skilled and inclusive political leadership to mend.
The Human Rights Report card on Cameroon by the US State Department could be the same smooking gun the US could use to “refer the separatist conflict in Cameroon to an international forum”, (ie the International Criminal Court or UN Security Council).
You can read damning excerpts of the US State Department Report on Cameroon for 2018 here.
“Government security forces were widely believed to be responsible for disappearances of suspected Anglophone separatists, with reports of bodies dumped far from the site of killings to make identification difficult.
According to credible nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), the government did not readily account for some of the activists arrested in connection with the Anglophone crisis.
Family members and friends of the detainees were frequently unaware of the missing individuals’ location in detention for a month or more. For example, authorities held incommunicado Ayuk Sisiku Tabe, the “interim president” of the so-called Republic of Ambazonia, along with 46 other Anglophone separatists, from January 29 until late June when they were allowed to meet with their lawyers and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC).
“There were credible reports that members of government forces physically abused and killed prisoners in their custody. In its July report, Human Rights Watch highlighted the case of Samuel Chiabah, popularly known as Sam Soya, whom members of government forces interrogated under harsh conditions and killed, following the killing of two gendarmes by armed separatists at a checkpoint between Bamenda and Belo in the Northwest Region. A video widely circulated on social media featured Sam Soya sitting on the floor and being questioned about the killings, along with one other suspect. In the video Sam Soya could be heard crying in agony and denying participation in the killings. Photographs were released on social media that showed members of security forces in uniform using a bladed weapon to slice open Sam Soya’s neck and the leg of the other man, both of whom were lying face down on the floor and in handcuffs.”
This year’s edition of the Cameroon Film Festival, Camiff has been cancelled due to the growing insecurity in the Anglophone regions.
The festival was initially take place in Buea from the 22 – 27 April but the security situation in city has now forced organisers to cancel the event.
The founder of Camiff said the event was cancelled after proper consultation with local Government authorities, the police and Embassies and it became clear the crisis affecting the Anglophone regions will make it difficult for participants to access Buea.
“Our International celebrities have been advised by their governments and security teams to avoid visiting Cameroon at this time,”Agbor Gilbert Ebot said.
“We did attempt to come up with an alternative date but sadly we were advised that this would be too impractical for both sponsors and partners as we cannot foresee a break or an end to this ongoing saga in 2019.
The event has thus been postponed to April 20-25, 2020 with all submissins for this year carried forward to next year.
The escalating crisis in Cameroon is fueled in part by ongoing unrest in the English-speaking regions, UN officials said Friday.
An unfolding humanitarian crisis in Cameroon, fueled in part by ongoing unrest in the English-speaking regions, is escalating, said UN officials who issued an appeal Thursday for aid from the international community.
“Hundreds of thousands of people on Cameroon’s territory need urgent assistance and protection,” said Allegra Baiocchi, the UN resident and humanitarian coordinator for Cameroon. “Attacks against civilians have increased and many conflict-affected people are surviving in harsh conditions without humanitarian assistance due to the dramatic underfunding of the response. Cameroon today can no longer be a forgotten crisis. It needs to be high on our agenda.”
She spoke in Geneva, Switzerland, at the launch of the UN’s 2019 Humanitarian Response Plan for Cameroon, a $299 million appeal designed to reach 2.3 million vulnerable people. UN officials estimate that 4.3 million people in Cameroon, or about one-sixth of the population of 24 million people, require lifesaving assistance.
Officials were particularly concerned about raising the funds since the 2018 appeal for $320 million for Cameroon yielded only 40 percent of the goal.
Baiocchi said the ongoing conflict in the country’s Southwest and Northwest regions, home to up to 5 million Anglophones, was “the main driver” behind the increase in need, adding that the unrest there had uprooted 437,000 people from their homes and forced more than 32,000 to flee west to Nigeria.
The English-speaking Northwest and Southwest areas, also known as Southern Cameroons, have exploded in violence over the past two years as the government cracked down on an emerging separatist movement among Anglophones, who have felt marginalized politically and economically for decades, UN officials and experts have said.
Cameroonian government officials have blamed separatists for some of the violence and attacks on civilians, reporting as recently as last week that armed separatists kidnapped more than 30 people on the road between Buea and Kumba in the Southwest Region by attacking buses on the highway.
The victims were released after their money and valuables were taken, officials said.
The strife in the Southwest and Northwest regions occurs as violence plagues the north where Cameroon’s military is trying to defeat Boko Haram, the Islamic State-affiliated terrorist group that has launched many violent attacks in several African countries. Additionally, conflicts in northeastern Nigeria have forced 100,000 people to flee into Cameroon.
On Friday in New York, UN officials said the situation in Cameroon was worsening.
“Well, we’ve been concerned about the periodic violence that’s been happening there,” said Farhan Haq, deputy spokesman for UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres. “Our special adviser there, François Louncény Fall, has, in fact, in recent days, been in Cameroon, where he spoke with several senior officials, including the prime minister of Cameroon, and made clear our various concerns. One of the things we’re hopeful for is that there will be more efforts by the government of Cameroon to have a more constructive and positive relationship with the communities, including the Anglophone communities.”
Supporters of the Anglophones, including Long Island-based Stony Brook University Professor Patrice Nganang, have said their appeals for self-determination have been ignored by President Paul Biya.
The violence has escalated as Biya’s delivered a New Year’s Day message saying that he would eliminate separatists who refuse to lay down their arms.
“I am very sensitive to [the] worries [of residents of the Northwest and Southwest regions] about their safety and their aspirations for a return to calm and normal social life,” he said in a statement. “If my appeal to warmongers to lay down their weapons remains unheeded, the Defense and Security Forces will be instructed to neutralize them. I am well aware of the distress these rebels are causing the populations of these regions. This situation cannot be allowed to continue.”
But Yap Mariatou, Cameroon’s civil protection director , said in a statement with Baiocchi that the government had played a role in quelling the violence.
“The Government of Cameroon is responsible for the protection and well-being of its people and has been at the forefront of the response with its national and international partners,” Mariatou said. “We acknowledge the scale of the different crises we face, and we encourage all the actors to work in close partnership to address the needs of Cameroonians and of the people we host.”
While the year 2018 was a transitional year for some countries, which changed their leaders through the ballot box, some other countries like Cameroon and Mali decided to renew their allegiance to their presidents.
The third part of the 2018 elections review gives a brief insight on how election was carried out in Cameroon and Mali.
Biya secures 7th term after 36 years in power
The 2018 presidential elections in Cameroon witnessed some happenings which completely changed the traditional system; election-proclamation of result, to feature a heated court exchange between the state and the opposition.
A lot of people wished this election could be the end of the 36 years rule of President Biya who took over from Ahidjo in 1982, but all hopes were dashed when he announced his intention to run.
The elections took place in a tensed atmosphere with security threats in the North West and South West regions which has plagued the country for over two years.
Barely two days to the polls, two opposition candidates, Akere Muna and Maurice Kamto formed a coalition after several failed attempts by all opposition leaders to come together to unseat Biya, marking the very first time the country has witnessed a coalition.
Amidst growing tension, the election was conducted hitch free but massively boycotted in the restive Anglophone regions due to security threats.
Twenty-four hours after the polls, Maurice Kamto declared himself winner during a press conference in Yaounde stating that figures he received indicated that he had majority of the votes. Such claims were watered down by the government stating that only the constitutional council had the right to proclaim results.
18 petitions were filed before the constitutional council by individuals and parties including Maurice Kamto and Joshua Osih seeking partial or total cancellation of the process. These petitions were termed unfounded and dismissed by the constitutional council.
The Constitutional Council later declared Paul Biya winner with 71% of votes,and he was sworn in for another 7 years term on Tuesday, November
*Ibrahim Boubacar Keita garners 67% votes in election run off
Unable to secure an all out victory in the first round, Ibrahim Boubacar was declared victorious in the presidential race, after amassing 67% of the votes in a run off with main oppostion leader Soumaila Cisse.
The constitutional court in the country gave a green light for a run off to take place on August 12 after results of the first round indicated that no candidate was able to reach the 50% threshold to be declared winner.
Meanwhile several opposition candidate rejected result tallies and called for recounts of some ballots, but the president of the court declared such petitions “inadmissible”.
Despite the fraud allegations filed by Soumaila Cisse, Keita’s major challenger in the elections , Ibrahim Boubacar was declared winner of the elections by the apex court and was sworn in on September 4,2018.
However, Mali’s vote was marred by insecurity which caused many of the voters to boycott the run-off presidential election.