SCBC Editorial


Elimu, Swahili for “imparting knowledge, skill, and judgment,” is the handle for the alternative education project of the Ambazonia grassroots media project the Southern Cameroons Broadcasting Corporation TV (SCBC TV). SCBC TV was born out of the 2017 Cameroon government imposed internet blackout in the occupied territories of Ambazonia also known as the Southern Cameroons.

To start with, SCBC supports without reservation the General Strike (Ghost town action) of the peoples of Ambazonia both as an Ambazonian grassroots movement project but also because the General Strike in itself is a legitimate form of nonviolent resistance.  Thus we would like to categorically state from the getgo that Project Elimu while hoping to help our children learn from home, is NOT in anyway intended to nor will it in anyway undermine the ongoing General Strike.  It is out of our awareness of the importance of education in building a strong foundation for the life of every child, that Project Elimu is being put in place to help our children learn from home in the wake of Cameroon’s refusal to sign the Safe School Declaration, and Cameroon’s sustained attacks on our children and youth in and out of schools. We are hoping project ELIMU will also reduced chances of contact with solders, which has too often than needed turned deadly causing enormous heartache for several Ambazonian families and communities.

We equally look forward to fill the education gaps inherent in the substandard educational system that the neocolonial regime has been so determined to impose on our communities.

SCBC Background

Ambazonia is an English-speaking territory located between Cameroon and Nigeria in West Africa. Ambazonia has been under military occupation by the French neo-colonial regime in Cameroon since an ill-fated UN plebiscite on a confederacy between the two countries in 1961. Immediately before that, Ambazonia had been a UN Trust Territory under British administration— which is why the region’s primary colonial language is English, in contrast to Cameroon in which the primary colonial language is French.

For years there have been waves of protest over the second-class status that is forced on the people of Ambazonia. Despite agreement that Ambazonians get to keep their language and autonomous institutions, Cameroon has systematically eliminated these structures over the years. In the fall of 2016, protests erupted across the territory once more, this time in response to a strike by legal workers called to defend the Ambazonian common law–based judicial system. Though British colonial control was hurtful to Ambazonia in many ways, set in historical context, it was by far the lesser of the evils and left a legacy of respect for a personal-liberties based legal system that has been utilized by legal workers to protect the dignity of the people.

In response to this mass nonviolent demonstration of popular sentiment, the Cameroon military used excessive and unnecessary force to silence the protests. They used helicopter gunships to shoot live ammunition at demonstrations, they chased down and executed hundreds of unarmed protesters, and they detained more than a thousand summarily and without charge. In direct response to these atrocities, for the first time in the history of our struggle, some fractions have chosen to defend their communities with force.

To prevent the people from communicating and reporting these crimes to the outside world, the Cameroon regime cut internet access to the entire territory. In response, community media makers at home and in the diaspora came together to create SCBC TV, which broadcasts remotely from around the world to communities in the occupied territories of Ambazonia––the first community-owned and operated TV station in Africa with global reach.

SCBC TV has been the most prominent tool for mobilizing nonviolent resistance in the occupied territories in this violence-filled time.

Unfortunately, it is clear that the ongoing violence will prevent Ambazonian children from returning to school for the September 2018 academic year. It was in this light that SCBC TV decided to launch an alternative Education TV School which will air lessons into Ambazonian communities under military occupation.

Project ELIMU

September 2018 will be the start of the second academic year in which children in our communities will not be able to go to class as usual because of a conflict that escalated in 2016. To mitigate the damage being done to their education during this time of conflict and the importance of education to the future of our children and society, SCBC decided to start a TV School to provide Ambazonian children the opportunity to learn from home.

The mission of Project ELIMU is to provide a free, world-class education to every child in conflict zones where regular classes are not possible.  We are committed to ensuring that children in conflict zones, starting with Ambazonia can learn from wherever they find themselves just by having access to a TV set and a cellphone. In the medium term, we are looking to extend the program to children in bushes and refugee camps through Project Elimu Learning Centers (PELC).

The Tagline of the Project is: Each One Teach One, making learning a community commitment.

Project Background

The history of TV in the classroom in the US goes as far back as the 1950s. There is a wealth of literature and well-developed sample curricula for TV school projects. That work was further developed by the homeschooling movement of the last 30 years.

We look to build on that research, the developments in the alternative education community including online schools, lectures, Massive Open Online Courses (MOOC), M-learning, and others to provide our children with high-quality education along with certificates from international accreditation institutions to go with it.

Project ELIMU material is packaged to maximize learning via TV School and optimize learners feedback mostly via cellphone.

Standardized Testing

Project ELIMU is looking to use a multitude of tests based primarily from the best international accreditation and certification institutions. That way when our students following the program they can take the appropriate test for them. We will elaborate on the tests and certification in another document. Project ELIMU will be making an effort to fundraising to cover the cost of some of these international certification tests.

Project Elimu Learning Centers (PELC)

Project Elimu also understands that there are now over 400,000 displaced Ambazonians hiding in bushes and over 60,000 who have sort refuge in Nigeria. For this reason, the project will also include the following elements:

  • Making same study materials readily available online in downloadable format in an app developed by the team called Udemia ( This will enable people to learn from any smartphone or download the material and share with children in other accessible ways on the ground as part of the efforts to reach who might not have access to TV.
  • The project team intends to deploy learning centers across all refugee centers in neighboring Nigeria where all those of school age can also take time to study in the center’s ones they are set up.
  • The team continues engagement with various alternative educators around the world in a bit to continue the research process to make the alternative education not only accessible but worth it for the children who can access it.

To Volunteer, Contact or support the Project Team:

Write to The SCBC Education foundation

Project Elimu Team

Contact by email:



The Biya-Kamto Impending Electoral Dispute

By Oswald Tebit
12 Oct 2018

With the US State Department stating that
“Any disputes should be resolved peacefully and through established legal channels”.

Which are those legal channels? The courts. Who appoints the Judges of the courts? Paul Biya, who is a player and referee in the electoral process.

Whether Kamto and Akere are lawyers is inconsequential.
Ask the SDF how many electoral cases & disputes they have filed since 1992. (Barristers, Kofele Kale, Ben Muna, Mbah Ndam etc).
I know many people will jump to say oh we are in 2018, it’s the android generation. And so what.
Will an android phone determine a case in court.

The 07th Oct 2018 Presidential Elections on Sunday was a ceremony. In fact a CPDM Ritual.
The reason why Ambazonian Strategist took the strategic move to ban the elections in Ambazonia.

The US State Department is requesting for all parties to follow due process.
And who has the institutions of due process in their favor – Paul Biya & CPDM.
Therefore being a lawyer is inconsequential if the courts and Judiciary are not independent.

I have said here time and again that electoral political transition in Africa through the ballot box is only possible through the following;

1) The establishment of an Independent Electoral Commission (Jerry Rawlings of Ghana and Goodluck Jonathan of Nigeria both establish Independent Electoral Commissions that led to their respective ruling parties defeat).

2) The goodwill and faith of the incumbent to concede defeat (Abdul Diouf of Senegal conceded defeat to Abdulaye Wade).

Case Precedence – Electoral Disputes in Africa

Camerroon Presidential Elections 1992
Paul Biya was declared winner.
John Fru Ndi was declared runner-up and placed under house arrest for 3 months. Paul Biya went on to govern without any serious threat from the SDF.

The 2003 Nigerian Elections
The results of the elections which were contested saw Olusegun Obasanjo won a second term.
The Nigerian Army was deployed to quell violence in several parts of the country.
Obasanjo went on to complete his second term of office.

The 2007 Kenyan Presidential Elections.
The results of these elections were contested by Raila Odinga who had 44% of the votes while Mwai Kibaki who won with 46% went on to be sworn President a few hours after the declaration of results due to the violence that erupted proceeding the declaration of the results.
The violence led to the death of over 1000 civilians in clashes with the Kenyan police.

The AU, EU & US intervened to negotiate a Government of National Unity which saw Raila Odinga become Prime Minister.
While Mwai Kibaki went on to complete his term of office.

The 2008 Zimbabwean Presidential Elections
The opposition candidate Morgan Tsvangirai won with 47% but short of the majority required with Robert Mugabe coming second with 43%.
Tsvangirai pulled out of the second round on grounds of violence against his supporters.
Mugabe went on to win. However, the tensions that proceeded the elections led to the negotiations of a Government of National Unity in which Tsvangirai became Prime Minister.
Mugabe went on to complete his term of office.

The Current LRC Presidential Elections.

With the votes being counted, Maurice Kamto, the candidate of the MRC party has declared himself the winner.
This has led to tensions as to what will happen if he is not declared the winner on or by 22nd Oct when the Constitutional Council will declare the results.

Going by electoral disputes precedence in Africa, it is likely that Paul Biya will be declared the winner, as ELECAM is not independent.
This is likely to trigger violent protest in some of the strongholds of Kamto’s MRC party.

Going by past precedent, the Cameroon security forces will use brute force to quell these protest.

There is the likely hood, Paul Biya will succeed in crushing any protest and maintaining himself in power.

Unwilling to concede defeat in case of victory by Kamto, Biya will be sworn in as President for the 7th term.

Just like in past elections, the international community may criticize the elections but will fall short of requesting Biya to step down.

The international community will only request Biya to step down if Cameroon threatens to tear apart.

The Kamto campaign has a huge challenge in overcoming the various institutions in Cameroon that hold sway to the results of the elections.

What options are therefore left for Kamto? Would he follow up on his statement to fight till the end?
How will he fight? Would he follow due process to challenge the results in court or Would he consider an armed struggle?

Only time will tell.

YAOUNDE, Oct 8 (Reuters) – Cameroon opposition candidate Maurice Kamto on Monday declared victory in presidential elections, saying he had “achieved his goal” in Sunday’s vote and calling on President Paul Biya to hand over power peacefully.   

“I invite the outgoing president to organise a peaceful way to transfer power,” he told a news conference in the capital Yaounde, giving no results to justify his claim.

Kamto, who leads the Movement for the Rebirth of Cameroon (MRC), was greeted by screams from supporters as he made his announcement. (Reporting by Edward McAllister Writing by Sofia Christensen Editing by Tim Cocks and John Stonestreet)

Cameroonians head to the polls Sunday to reelect Paul Biya as president — a foregone conclusion despite the country’s acute crisis. In the north, the government is still engaged with the terrorist group Boko Haram, while a devastating uprising in English-speaking areas in the northwest and southwest has enveloped the country’s politics.

Biya, age 85, has been in power for an incredible 36 years. He will win these elections — but not because he is the most popular candidate. Rather, Cameroon is one of Africa’s most enduring electoral authoritarian regimes. While multiparty elections exist on paper, these elections are not free and fair and are tilted in the regime’s favor. In my forthcoming book, “How Autocrats Compete: Parties, Patrons, and Unfair Elections in Africa,” I explore the factors that have sustained electoral authoritarianism in Cameroon.

Cameroon’s state apparatus was established right after the country’s independence in 1960 from French and British colonial rule. Today, Biya is able to use nearly exclusive control of political appointments and state institutions to both position supporters and punish detractors with ease. With Biya at the helm, the election result is mostly a foregone conclusion. 

How to build an authoritarian regime 

My research examines the historical origins of electoral authoritarian regimes in Africa. These regimes fall into two distinct camps: those that built extensive ruling parties to mobilize political support and regimes that created loose-knit coalitions with rival elites. Cameroon is a clear example of the latter.

The French colonial government had established far-reaching emergency powers, and subsequent presidents in Cameroon have made full use of these powers to create these coalitions. Cameroon’s first president, Ahmadou Ahidjo, dismantled rival political parties and centralized authority by offering elites government positions in a bloated state administration. He also curtailed political dissent, appointed regional governors and oversaw the Cameroonian military. For many years, even travel across Cameroon required special government permits. These features persisted when Biya became president; he declared nine states of emergency between 1982 and 1986.

This system did not encourage political elites to be particularly loyal to the regime. Ruling coalitions in Cameroon did not share a common ideology, but instead were representative of Cameroon’s multiple ethnic groups. Under Ahidjo, many believed there was bias toward his home region in the north.

Under Biya, many Cameroonians see disproportionate political representation in senior political posts from the south, his home territory. Other ethnic groups, and especially the English-speaking regions, have frequently complained of economic and political discrimination.

With the president as the gatekeeper to a tightly constrained political space, the system persisted. As one Cameroonian observer put it, elites protect their daily bread by not contradicting the president.

How an authoritarian regime competes 

These features of the regime made the transition to multiparty elections challenging. In 1992, in the midst of economic crisis, many elites in Cameroon defected to form rival political parties. Significant election fraud, repression and an influx of international cash from France helped Biya eke out a narrow victory with just 40 percent of the vote.

Since that election, Biya has used the same tools to reconstruct a ruling coalition and win elections — including, for instance, offering opposition party leaders various positions of prestige. Today, Cameroon has the largest cabinet on the continent with more than 65 ministers, secretaries and special delegates. Similarly, Cameroon has not liberalized much of its state-controlled economy, leaving Biya with many fiscal tools to secure political support.

Cameroon’s emergency powers and state control continue to limit electoral competition. During elections, state officials constrain the opposition by limiting rally permits or restricting travel for security purposes. Similarly, the government uses libel laws to shut down media outlets for extensive periods of time. At times, outcomes have appeared so predetermined that Biya has not even campaigned. 

What this means for political opposition now 

Elites from Cameroon’s north and east regions have continued to hitch their future to Biya. In 2008, the constitution was changed to remove term limits and prevent a conflict over succession. The current opposition is mainly from English-speaking areas, and with elite support from key regions secured, there is no real pathway to defeating the incumbent president.

The regime’s continued control of the state machinery means any opposition is likely to fail. The security situation in English-speaking regions has been used as a pretense to impose curfews and limit movement. There have already been reported issues with voter registration, and the regime plans to limit the number of polling places in certain areas.

The current opposition, as in past elections, is split across numerous candidates. Some of these figures are simply clamoring for some time in the spotlight. Others, such as Joshua Osih, Akere Muna and Maurice Kamto, are more serious contenders — but they are competing against one another rather than Biya. In all likelihood, they know their chances of winning are nonexistent, which is why they might be thinking of 2025 rather than 2018.


By Yonatan L. Morse  assistant professor in the department of political science at the University of Connecticut. He is the author of “How Autocrats Compete: Parties, Patrons, and Unfair Elections in Africa” (Cambridge University Press, forthcoming, 2018).

As Cameroon heads to elections, experts warn of the fallout from an ongoing separatist crisis in the Anglophone regions.

by Eromo Egbejule


  • Bilingual Cameroon, a union of two parts colonised separately by the British and the French, has long had a fragile harmony.
  • In 2016, the fissures grew larger as the Anglophone minority, protesting the imposition of French systems in the courts and schools were attacked, triggering a war between the government and separatists.

Yaounde, Cameroon – Last October, Fred Assam watched from his hiding place as government soldiers spoon-fed acid to the village chief’s son.

The 24-year-old knew it was time to flee his homeland.

He escaped his village of Mbenyan in southwest Cameroon with a small bag of clothes, abandoning the life he knew behind to the safety of neighbouring Nigeria.

“The soldiers were shooting everyone they saw,” he says from Agbokim, in southern Nigeria. “They killed so many young people in Mbenyan and other villages across the Anglophone regions.”

Assam is one of over 30,000 Cameroonians – including his parents with whom he reunited three months ago – from the English-speaking northwest and southwest regions of the country who now live in refugee camps and settlements in southern Nigeria.

Discrepancies between the French and English academic, legal and administrative systems which have always existed concurrently, as well as cries of political and economic marginalisation, crystallised into a series of protests and riots in 2016.

That soon turned bloody as the government, in a bid to quell dissent, first ordered a three-month internet shutdown and deployed soldiers.

In January, separatists including Julius Tabe, the leader of the interim government of “Ambazonia” – the self-declared state consisting of the Anglophone regions – were arrested in Abuja, the Nigerian capital, on charges of terrorism.

Back in Cameroon, young untrained fighters are embroiled in a battle with government soldiers, countering sophisticated weaponry with homemade guns, machetes and charms called “odeshi” to make them invisible and invincible.

Trapped in the middle of all this are the estimated 17 million Anglophone Cameroonians who form roughly one-fifth of the population.

I was detained alongside suspected Boko Haram insurgents. There was this lady who was only released recently – she gave birth to her baby in prison.


Local groups say the number of people displaced from both regions has doubled to around 200,000 people over the last month and there are about 50,000 refugees in Nigeria.

The International Crisis Group, which says the international reaction has been muted, estimates that at least 2,000 people have died in the conflict, with another 170,000 displaced.

An unknown number of people are also sleeping in open forests in the absence of formal camps. There is a shortage of toilets and proper hygienic conditions for menstruating girls and women in the informal host communities.

Still, the country is pressing on towards an election on Sunday, as incumbent President Paul Biya seeks a seventh term in office.

Meanwhile, the government is headstrong about hosting a continental football competition next January despite the Anglophone crisis.

Observers and civil society leaders are worried about the government’s preoccupation with holding the elections and believe it is an attempt to paper over the cracks and present a united front to the international community.

“The reason I’m not contesting in this election is because of the current security situation,” says Kah Wallah, leader of the Cameroon People’s Party (CPP) which is not presenting a presidential candidate.

“You have people sleeping in the open forests. There is conflict in six of the 10 regions in Cameroon. There is intense conflict in the northwest and southwest, then in the Far North [Region], you have about 300,000 people displaced by Boko Haram.

“In the East [Region], there is a spillover from the insecurity in Central African Republic. In Adamawa and the North [Region], there is spillover of the crisis in the East and Far North. There were over 71 kidnappings in Adamawa last year alone. I can’t contest an election with all this happening.”

Along with the secessionists are innocent citizens who have been arrested, detained and in the cases of some jailed for 15-year sentences or longer, on trumped-up charges of terrorism, says Agbor Nkongho, director of Centre for Human Rights and Democracy in Africa (CHRDA) in Buea.

Nkongho himself was detained for eight months last year at the Kondengui prison in Yaounde and his trial was adjourned six times before a military tribunal acquitted him last August.

“I was detained alongside suspected Boko Haram insurgents,” he says. “There was this lady who was only released recently – she gave birth to her baby in prison.”

Mental health concerns

Beyond the detentions and displacements, there are concerns about the lingering trauma that could significantly hamper the healing and reintegration process for survivors.

Widows who have lost their spouses to flying bullets, children separated from their parents and citizens who have lost their incomes could have no life to return to.

For secessionist fighters, the option of an amnesty programme and “de-radicalisation” therapies are not on the table, as the government has reportedly backed a shoot-at-sight order with them as the targets.

“Election is overshadowing the crisis especially in the Francophone regions,” concurs Nkongho. “It is a non-issue in the south given the threat by the Ambazonia boys … We’ve not seen any plans to properly take care of the displaced people and the government is not admitting that there are refugees outside the country.”

Many are going through some torture, losing properties and going through serious psychological distress. They don’t know what will happen because things are so unpredictable. Parents watching their children get killed and children watching their parents murdered.


The government’s humanitarian response has been underwhelming, say civil society leaders who point out that its relief programme factored in just 160,000 people, a number likely picked up from a UNOCHA report released earlier this year. The plan does not also address the urgent need for psychosocial support for the displaced population.

“The plan didn’t acknowledge refugees and so made no provision for those in Nigeria,” says Nkongho.

“Also, those who were to manage it are some of those seen as the enemy by the displaced and have no moral authority to implement things and distribute relief. We asked them to include civil society and the clergy who are neutral, but this wasn’t done. It has failed and it’s just a political scheme to show that President Biya cares.”

The CHRDA, which already provides legal aid and relief items to the vulnerable, is in discussions to get immediate psychological help for all those affected by the conflict.

Local churches are also gradually stepping in to fill the void by organizing small-scale trauma healing workshops, but there are few seasoned professionals to join in the process.

Abuse of substances like cannabis and tramadol is also common across both regions, warns Dr Eric Gola, a mental health specialist in Kumbo, in the northwest region.

Since the conflict began in 2016, he has been working with Berikids, one of the few rehabilitation centres nationwide.

“Many are going through some torture, losing properties and going through serious psychological distress. They don’t know what will happen because things are so unpredictable. Parents watching their children get killed and children watching their parents murdered. Soldiers raping.

“The Ambazonia boys are now taking up arms and getting involved in substance abuse to get courage to fight since they are untrained. It is affecting them mentally and rehabilitation centres will face a deluge in the post-war future because most families will have serious psychiatric cases because of the trauma of war.”

Gola was contacted a few months ago by some Catholic priests who wanted to establish centres for managing psychosocial disorders and post-traumatic stress conditions pending the outcome of the conflict. It’s a drive that he wishes the government had.

“The president declared war on Southern Cameroons,” he laments. “He has the yam and the knife to stop the war, release those in detention in connection to the crisis, demilitarise both regions and organise a dialogue with all parties concerned.”


On the surface, Cameroon’s regime projects an image of stability. President Paul Biya, at 85 the oldest ruler in Africa, is rolling comfortably toward an easy victory in Sunday’s election, extending his 36 years in power after eliminating the term limits that could have forced his retirement.

But beneath this façade, Cameroon is sliding toward civil war, and the election is unlikely to change that path.

Violence and military atrocities are rising. A separatist movement is gaining strength. There are killings almost every day. And there are growing calls for countries such as Canada to take a stronger stand against Mr. Biya.

The President has scarcely bothered to campaign, attending only one campaign rally so far. The election on Sunday is expected to give him a seventh term in office. But it won’t solve a conflict that has already killed about 600 people and forced about 300,000 to flee their homes over the past year.

In the country’s far north, the military is fighting the Islamist militants of Boko Haram. In the anglophone regions in the northwest and southwest, a separatist insurgency has triggered new bloodshed, with an estimated 1,000 fighters joining militia groups, armed with rocket-propelled grenades and other heavy weaponry.

Of the 12 million eligible voters in Cameroon, only 6.6 million have registered to vote. Many people in the anglophone regions will boycott the election. Others will stay home for fear of violence. Vote-rigging is expected and the opposition is badly splintered.

“As election day approaches, tensions are growing and the government has become harder-line, opting for repression and peddling conspiracy theories in response to demands for social and political reform,” says a report this week by the International Crisis Group, an independent research organization.

Mr. Biya is showing little interest in seeking solutions. He routinely spends up to one-third of the year in luxury rooms at the five-star InterContinental hotel in Geneva, where he travels with an entourage of up to 50 bodyguards and butlers.

A growing number of U.S. officials and politicians have criticized Mr. Biya’s response to the crisis. But this has been outweighed by the support the Biya government has received from France and China, including investors from those countries.

The impasse could allow Canada to exercise some influence in Cameroon, analysts say. Cameroon is one of Canada’s oldest diplomatic allies in Africa, and Canada has sent it hundreds of millions of dollars in development aid. Since the 1960s, Cameroon has often ranked among the biggest recipients of Canadian aid in Africa. Cameroon’s diaspora community in Canada has been urging Ottawa to take action. And Cameroon’s Prime Minister Philémon Yang spent 20 years as the country’s ambassador to Canada, where he earned a graduate degree from the University of Ottawa.

Despite these connections, Canada’s public response to the worsening violence in Cameroon has been “surprisingly muted,” according to an analysis by Chris Roberts, an Africa politics scholar at the University of Calgary, in a report published by the Canadian Global Affairs Institute.

“Canada’s limited response to the crisis this year comes across as either obliviousness or conscious avoidance,” he said.

On June 29, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau spoke to Mr. Biya by telephone. But a statement issued by Mr. Trudeau’s office gave no indication that they discussed the political and military crisis in Cameroon.

Instead, according to the statement, the two leaders had “an in-depth discussion” about the Francophonie, the organization of francophone countries, and about the candidacy of former Canadian governor-general Michaëlle Jean, who is seeking a second term as Secretary-General of the Francophonie. The statement said Mr. Trudeau “reiterated to President Biya” that Canada is pushing for another term for Ms. Jean.

A spokesperson for the Prime Minister’s Office declined to say whether other subjects were discussed in the telephone call.

The statement “reinforced the outward appearance of status quo normalcy … despite the deteriorating situation,” Mr. Roberts said in his report.

Adam Austen, a spokesman for Foreign Affairs Minister Chrystia Freeland, said Canada is “deeply concerned by the continuing violence in western Cameroon” and is “troubled” by the deaths there.

“We remain alarmed by repeated attacks, including those against schools,” he said in response to questions from The Globe and Mail. “We have raised these concerns directly with the government of Cameroon and will continue to do so.”

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